In the UK prisoners lose the right to vote
whilst serving their sentence. In the US ,
except in Maine and Vermont , prisoners also lose this right and in
some states this disenfranchisement continues after they have served their
sentences. In this posting I want to examine whether prisoners should retain
this right whilst serving their sentences. The vast majority of philosophical
literature seems to suggest that they should. My intuitions suggest to me they
should not. I hope my examination will either force me to challenge my
intuitions or be able to justify them. Before proceeding I must make it clear I
am only interested in whether prisoners should retain the right to vote and
that I am not concerned whether the European Human Rights Court should play any
part in UK
legislation.
In order to look for an
argument to support my intuitions I will firstly examine society’s aims when it
sends people to prison. Firstly we send people to prison to protect ourselves
by ensuring they commit no more crimes for the period of their sentence. This
aim is achieved simply by sending offenders to prison. Depriving offenders of
the right to vote does nothing to further this aim. Secondly we send offenders
to prison in order to rehabilitate them. In the light of the re-offending
figures for prisoners I’m not sure this aim is very realistic. However even if
we accept this aim is realistic it is hard to see how the disenfranchisement of
prisoners might further the aim. It is possible to allow prisoners to vote
using a postal ballot. It follows the disenfranchisement of prisoners is not a
necessary part of their imprisonment. It further follows if the
disenfranchisement of prisoners is to play a meaningful part in the
rehabilitation of prisoners that disenfranchisement must be justifiable by
itself. Someone might argue an offender’s disenfranchisement might cause him to
reconsider his attitude to life and so play some small part in his
rehabilitation. I’m not convinced by such an argument, if I’m correct then it
follows that depriving prisoners of the right to vote cannot be justified as
part of their rehabilitation. Lastly and perhaps most importantly we send
people to prison in order to punish them. It follows if we are to justify disenfranchisement
as a punishment it also must be justifiable by itself. Most prisoners do not
see disenfranchisement as a punishment. It follows for most prisoners
disenfranchisement cannot be justified because it is a punishment. However this
may not be true for all prisoners as I will argue later.
I have argued that for most
prisoners do not see disenfranchisement as a punishment and hence
disenfranchisement cannot be justified as such. However even if we accept the
above as I do, it does not automatically follow if such prisoners are already
disenfranchised that we have a reason to change the status quo. I have
suggested that most prisoners do not see disenfranchisement as a punishment. It
follows that most prisoners do not value the right to vote. If we don’t grant the
right to vote to those prisoners who don’t value having this right then we do
them no harm. It further follows that from a consequentialist point of view we
have no reason to give most prisoners voting rights.
Someone might attempt to
extend the above argument concerning valuing the right to vote to all
prisoners. First she might point out voting is an essential element of any
democratic society. She might then argue that prisoners don’t value society simply
because they offend whereby damaging society. It follows that because prisoners
don’t value society they don’t value the right to vote. It further follows if
society does not grant prisoners the right to vote then it does them no harm as
this right is not something they value. Lastly she might suggest prisoners see
themselves as living in society rather than being part of society.
I am doubtful if in practice
many prisoners actually value the right to vote. Nonetheless I would reject the
above argument because I think it is possible that some prisoners do value this
right even if they fail to respect society. However if some prisoners do value
the right to vote then their valuation gives us a possible reason to
disenfranchise them. If we deprive someone of something he values justly we may
do so in order to punish him. It follows we have a possible justification to
disenfranchise those prisoners who value the right to vote. To summarise I
firstly argued that most prisoners do not value the right to vote and this
means we no reason to change the status quo and give them this right. Secondly
I argued that for those prisoners, who do value the right to vote,
disenfranchisement might be justified as punishment.
Someone might object to my
argument by pointing out it has been framed in consequentialist terms and the
question of prisoner voting rights is a matter of fundamental human rights. I
accept human beings have certain rights, see my
posting of 07/10, but I am unhappy about using the term fundamental with
regard to rights. Some rights are universal and apply to all human beings
others are more restrictive, such as the rights of the members of a golf club. For instance I would argue we have a right not to be treated
with unnecessary cruelty simply because we can feel pain but then animals must also
have this right. Perhaps this right might be regarded as a universal right for
all sentient creatures. In addition we have a right not to be treated as a
means by others. Perhaps this right is universal for all potential autonomous
creatures living among autonomous creatures. The domain of rights holders for
this right is more restricted than for the domain of the right not to be
treated with unnecessary cruelty. Lastly we have a right to vote because we are
part of a democratic society. The domain of rights holders for the right to
vote is further restricted. I would suggest it follows that someone’s right to
vote is not a fundamental right based on him being a human being, but is based
on him being part of a democratic society. Indeed the idea that our hunter
gatherer ancestors had fundamental right to vote is nonsensical. Rights evolved as rights upholders’ ideas and
their society changed and as a result different rights may have different
origins. Because rights
have different origins there is a wide variation in the domain of rights
holders.
If we accept that the right
to vote depends on us being part of democratic society then does this imply
that in such a society prisoners should retain this right? It has been
suggested above that prisoners see themselves as only living in
rather than being part of a democratic society. I would further suggest
prisoner’s behaviour shows that they do indeed see themselves as living in
society rather than being part of society as they either intentionally damage
society or fail to see their actions as damaging to society. It follows if
prisoner’s only live in a society rather than being part of that society that
they should not retain the right to vote. After all most foreigners living in a
country are not usually considered as citizens and as a result do not have the
right to vote even if they are law abiding and contribute to the general good
by paying taxes.
I now want to consider some
objections to the above. Firstly someone might suggest that many people who
never offend see themselves as living in rather than being part of our society
and yet still retain the right to vote. For instance people who live solely on
benefits and contribute nothing to society. Nobody would seriously suggest we
should disenfranchise such people. My objector might then argue if we treat
these people differently from prisoners that we are acting unjustly. I would
not accept my objector’s argument for two reasons. Firstly many people who
contribute nothing to society financially contribute in other ways. Secondly I
would argue all those who obey the law contribute to society simply by
respecting the rights of others. However how much individuals contribute to
society varies. Prisoners serving their sentences do not contribute to society
in any other way and by offending have demonstrated that they do not respect
the rights of others. My objector might now point most prisoners are not
murderers or rapists but minor criminals many of whom simply snort, smoke and inject drugs in the hope of improving their
happiness. I would respond by simply pointing out being inadequate may be the
reason many prisoners live in society rather than being part of it and as a
result gives us no reason to ensure they have the right to vote. Next my
objector might suggest that giving prisoners the vote sends them a message. The
message we send is that we see them as being part of society even if they
don’t. But why should we send them such a message? My objector might respond by
suggesting such a message can play a part in their rehabilitation by
encouraging them to become part of society. I would respond by suggesting that
this would be the wrong message and that disenfranchisement sends a better
message that respect for the law is the minimum needed to be considered as part
of society.
Lastly my
objector might suggest that my argument should apply to all offenders rather than
just those sent to prison. If we disenfranchise offenders who are sent to
prison but not those offenders who are subject to different punishments such as
fines then we are acting unjustly. I believe this objection carries some real
weight. My argument depends on the assumption that prisoners see themselves as
living in society rather than being part of it. My objector might now point out
my assumption should apply to all offenders. She might argue that it follows
drivers who are fined for speeding should also be disenfranchised for a period
because they see themselves as living in rather than being part of society.
Clearly most speeding drivers do see themselves as part of society rather than
merely living in it. Perhaps then my assumption is false and some prisoners do
see themselves as part of society rather than merely living in it. I accept the above objection and accept all offenders,
except perhaps sociopaths, see themselves to some degree as part of society. However I would suggest there is a continuum
in this degree ranging from sociopaths to speeders. I might then modify my
argument and base it on the assumption that at below some point on this
continuum offenders don’t see themselves as enough as part of society
to be fully regarded as members of society. I suggest this point might be when
offenders directly damage other members of society. The prime purpose of
society is to protect its members against unwarranted damage and clearly
offenders who directly damage other members of society do not respect society. I
might then argue prisoners fall below this point and as a result should remain
disenfranchised whilst most other offenders will be above this point and should
not.
Does my modified argument provide
some justification for my intuitions? I’m not sure and am now somewhat
ambivalent about prisoner disenfranchisement. Perhaps I’m just using reflection
to bolster my intuitions rather than possibly changing them, like Haidt (1)
suggests most people do.
1.
Jonathan Haidt,
2012, The Rightous Mind, Allen Lane , chapter
2.