Coronavirus Passports

  

The Covid-19 pandemic lockdown has caused great damage to the way people lead their lives and the economy. It is in the interests of both society and individuals to lift the lockdown. One way this might be done would be by the issuing of covid-19 immunity passports. According to Olivia Kates the path to reopening public life should be set by expert health officials, with close attention to justice and equity, and at no point on that path should anyone be stopped and asked, “Show me your passport”, see Hastings Center . In this posting I want to argue that the introduction of covid-19 passports would be fair in certain circumstances should be accepted.

What conditions would need to be satisfied before we could consider the introduction of covid-19 immunity passports? Firstly if a fully tested vaccine became available which offered a high degree of protection and that those vaccinated couldn’t pass on the virus to others. If this condition is meet then it would be feasible to introduce a covid-19 passport. Secondly if it is ascertained that those who have had covid-19 have develop antibodies which protect them from reinfection for a reasonable period of time. In addition a test must have been developed which can tell whether someone has acquired these antibodies. If either of these conditions can be meet then it would also be feasible to introduce a covid-19 passport for a limited period dependent on how long the immunity lasts. 

What reasons can be advanced for the introduction of these passports? Firstly it should allow passport holders greater freedom to go to the places they want because they won’t pass the virus on to others and won’t become a burden on our health services. Secondly if the number of passport holders was large enough this might help revive society and the economy quicker without risking another peak of infections. In certain settings social distancing isn’t feasible. For instance when eating out or going to the theatre or attending large sporting events. If during the pandemic only passport holders were able go to restaurants, to attend the theatre or large sporting events then perhaps these place could benefit. Lastly let us assume that an effective vaccine becomes widely available. In these circumstances the extreme pressure on society and the economy might lead some to propose mandatory vaccination. In these circumstances covid-19 passports might relieve this pressure whilst causing less damage to personal autonomy. In light of the above reasons exist for the introduction of covid-19 passports.

Let us assume that an effect vaccine becomes available. Let us also assume that the vaccine will be made available to all. In these circumstances would we still have reasons to introduce corona virus passports? I will now argue that we have two reasons to introduce passports. Firstly any vaccination will take time. The introduction of passports might enable restaurants, sporting venues and theatres to reopen earlier than would be possible otherwise. Such earlier reopening would benefit the institutions involved and permit greater freedom to passport holders. Secondly some people such as anti-vaxxers might not want to become vaccinated and passports would offer an incentive to do so. It would appear that even with the advent of an effective corona virus vaccine that we still have reasons for a temporary introduction of passports. What reasons can be advanced for their non-introduction?

First it might be argued that covid-19 passports would lead to a divided society, those who have passports and those who don’t. It might then be argued a divided society is a bad society. A divided society need not be a bad society unless this division is unfair. If the purpose of covid-19 passports only benefits passports holders then it might be argued that non-passport holders are being treated unfairly because they are being denied the benefits available to passport holders. Clearly passport holders might benefit from their passports by being able to engage more fully in society. For instance they may work where social distancing is impossible, travel more widely and attend the theatre. However even if passports enable the holders to enjoy these benefits they don’t deny these benefits to non-passport holders. If everyone during the pandemic wasn’t able to work where social distancing was impossible, travel widely and attend the theatre then these jobs would cease, widespread travel would be impossible and theatres would remain closed. Driving licences benefit those who hold them by allowing them to drive on public roads but such licences, passports, don’t seem to be unfair on those who don’t hold them. Fairness isn’t simply about benefitting people equally it is about benefitting people equally when this is possible. I would suggest the above would hold even if supplies of vaccine are limited provided these supplies are allocated fairly. If supplies are limited are fairly allocated then passports could benefit those who are vaccinated but limited supplies mean others couldn’t benefit so the question of fairness doesn’t arise.

The above argument is based on the premise that a divided society is a bad society only when it is an unfair society. Some might reject this premise. They might argue that a divided society creates envy, jealousy and anger and these unhealthy emotions lead to an unhealthy society. Those who don’t have passports become envious and jealous of those who do. Let us accept that we should do our best to mitigate these emotions this isn’t the same as eliminating the cause of these emotions. Let us also accept that it is wrong to disable someone to benefit others. The introduction of covid-19 passports would enable some people to avail themselves of some benefits. I would suggest that preventing someone from enabling himself is a form of disablement and hence wrong. For instance denying someone education which would enable him to better himself would be a kind of disablement. I would further suggest that a divided society is a better society than any society which considers disabling some of its members. 

It might be objected that my argument is flawed. It is flawed because my suggestion that, preventing someone from enabling himself is a form of disablement, is too simplistic. My objector might then suggest that enabling is a form of enhancement. I am prepared to accept his objection. I accept that there is a difference between someone enhancing himself and being enhanced. There is a difference between someone having the capacity to enhance oneself and being enhanced by being given the capacity to enhance oneself. For instance there is a difference between someone enhancing himself by learning and being enhanced by pharmacological means. In one case the capacity to enhance oneself is already present, in the other it is introduced. With these differences in mind I accept, for the purposes of this argument, that preventing someone from being enabled by being given additional capacities isn’t a form of disablement. However I would still suggest that preventing someone from exercising some capacity which he already possesses is a form of disablement. I would further suggest that banning covid-19 passports which would enable some people to avail themselves of some benefits falls into the latter group and as a result is a form of disablement. Accepting the above means even if the introduction of covid-19 passports leads to a more divided society this doesn’t mean it would be wrong to do so.

I have argued that it would be morally permissible to introduce covid-19 passports in two scenarios. However this is an applied philosophy blog and the question must be asked would their issue be useful. Issuing such passports would only be useful if it both opened up society whilst at the same time controlling the infection. Let us accept that the issue of civid-19 passports would open up society. However would their issue be effective in preventing another peak in infection? Their effectiveness might be undermined by two factors, the presence of fakes and a lack of proper scrutiny. I would argue the problem of fakes is unlikely to undermine the passports effectiveness. After all fake driving licences and normal passports exist but these don’t cause major difficulties. Perhaps the introduction of some government approved app might reduce this risk. The problem of a lack of scrutiny is more difficult. Scrutiny in workplaces shouldn’t be difficult but the same wouldn’t be true of the entrances to theatres and sporting events. At such events time pressure might lead to a lack of proper scrutiny. However once again the introduction of an effective app might reduce this danger.

Locking Down the Elderly

Julian Savulescu and James Cameron argue that a policy which locked down the elderly whilst allowing greater freedom to younger people during the covid-19 pandemic wouldn’t be ageist, see practical ethics . The purpose of such a policy would be to protect health services from being overwhelmed. They further argue if such a policy isn’t ageist that it isn’t wrong. In this posting I will accept their argument but suggest that an alternative policy would be preferable. Before proceeding I must make it clear that I am over seventy and one of the elderly however I hope this doesn’t affect the validity of my argument. In the rest of this posting I will use the term ‘older persons’ rather than elderly as this better reflects that the elderly remain persons.

Before making my argument I will briefly outline that of Savulescu and Cameron. They base their argument on Aristotle’s principle of equality. This requires that we treat like cases alike, unless there is a morally relevant difference. They use two examples to illustrate the principle. Firstly if men were allowed to vote and women weren’t this would be sexist and wrong because differences in sex don’t make any difference to the capacity to vote. Secondly government investment in screening women for breast cancer whilst not doing the same for men who sometimes also develop breast cancer isn’t sexist or wrong because men are far less likely to develop this cancer. Let us turn to Savulescu and Cameron’s argument that it wouldn’t be ageist to lockdown older persons whilst allowing younger people greater freedom. They point out that because the cost of the lockdown is massive it is desirable to lift the lockdown. Unfortunately lifting the lockdown might result in health services being overwhelmed. They further point that older persons are much more likely to require health services due to covid-19 than younger ones. They proceed to argue that because that older persons are much more likely to require health care that it wouldn’t be ageist or wrong to require older persons to remain lockdown whilst lifting the lockdown for others due to Aristotle’s principle of equality. When considering the need for health services due to covid-19 outbreak there is a significant difference between older persons and others. It follows that it wouldn’t be ageist to follow a policy which discriminates against older persons in this way.

Let us accept that the above is a perfectly good argument. However it would appear that BAME people are dying at twice the rate of others in the UK. If we accept Savulescu and Cameron’s argument about lockdown for the elderly then the same argument could be applied to BAME people. If it isn’t ageist to lockdown older persons then it shouldn’t be racist to lockdown BAME people. Most would be uneasy about accepting such a conclusion. Let us now consider a different policy which achieves the same ends and which might alleviate our unease. Let us assume that older persons are warned prior the lockdown being lifted, that if this leads to an increase in covid-19 cases which threaten to overwhelm the health services, that they might receive a lower standard of care compared to others. This lower standard is justified because of the disproportionate burden they place on these services. This policy means that older persons might be denied places in ICU and just receive palliative care. Older persons would face a choice of whether to self-isolate or not in order to protect themselves. Let us further assume that the lockdown is lifted and this leads to an increase in covid-19 cases which threaten to overwhelm the health services and as a result older persons start receiving a lower standard of care. Should this policy be regarded as ageist? Let us consider Aristotle’s principle of equality in this scenario. Clearly older persons are treated differently to others but are there any reasons which might justify this difference? I would suggest that there are two reasons which might justify treating older people differently. Firstly older persons are much less likely to survive treatment in ICU. Secondly if treatment in ICU has to be rationed then saving a younger patients at the expense of the elderly means saving patients who will usually live longer and can be justified by utilitarian principles. It would appear that if we accept Aristotle’s principle of equality then a policy which discriminates against older persons in this way wouldn’t be ageist.

I’m self-isolating and believe it is sensible for most older persons to remain in lockdown even if the lockdown were to be partially lifted. I have outlined two policies to protect our health services from becoming overwhelmed in both of which it wouldn’t be ageist to discriminate against older persons. Let us assume that each of these policies would be equally effective in preventing the health from being overwhelmed. Which of these policies should we choose if we accept that it isn’t a question of whether to discriminate but rather when to discriminate.

Let us accept that we have good reasons why we should adopt the first policy as proposed by Savulescu and Cameron. It might be argued that following such policy would protect older persons better than the second. It might be pointed out that if the second policy was adopted that older persons would have to protect themselves. In response it might be pointed out if the first policy is introduced that older persons would still have to protect themselves by remaining compliant. Nonetheless let us accept that we have good reason to adopt the first policy. However it is important to note that the reason to prefer the first policy over the second has nothing to do with protecting our health services from being overwhelmed, both policies do this adequately, the reason for preferring the first policy is to do with caring for older persons. If we choose the first policy then we are also acting beneficently.

Do we have any reasons to choose the second policy instead?  I would suggest that we have two. Firstly adopting the second policy might be more effective as it might be difficult to ensure that older persons remained in long term lockdown under the first policy. I won’t consider this reason further here. Secondly it might be argued that preferring the second policy protects autonomy better. Adopting the first policy serves the interests of all by protecting the health services but it doesn’t respect the autonomy of older individuals. It might then be argued that if the second policy adequately protects health services and respects autonomy that we have reason to prefer this policy. Two objections might be raised to the above argument. Firstly it might be objected that the first policy does respect autonomy. Secondly it might be objected that in times of extreme crisis such as this we should give preference to acting beneficently over respecting autonomy. I will now consider both objections.

What it means to respect autonomy depends on the concept of autonomy used. It might be suggested that an autonomous decision is one that is rationally made to concur with the agent’s best interests and is freely made. If we accept a substantive account of autonomy then these best interests include generally accepted interests such as safety and good health. If we accept a substantive account of autonomy then it might be argued that adopting the first policy is compatible with respecting the autonomy of older persons. Older people, if given the choice, would make an autonomous decision to remain in lockdown because it is in their best interests to stay safe and protect their health. I myself would make such a choice. However let us consider an elderly widow who lives alone and who is suffering from terminal cancer. Let us assume that she is still able to visit her family. If the first policy was adopted she would have to remain in lockdown whilst the rest of her family were free to socialise. I would suggest that if such a person could make an autonomous decision whether to remain in lockdown or not she would choose to socialise with her family. When she considers her best interests she might prioritise family life over staying safely in lockdown. It follows that in this case adopting the first policy wouldn’t respect her autonomy. It might be objected that I have used an extreme example and that we should still prefer the first policy.  I am prepared to accept that I have used an extreme example to illustrate my point but I still want to argue that if we prefer the first policy that we fail to respect the autonomy of older persons. Older persons in general have less future time to look forward to than younger people and many might make an autonomous decision, if they were able to do so, to prioritise family life over staying safe.

Let us accept that if we prefer the first policy then we must be prepared to accept either that acting beneficently is more important than respecting autonomy or that we can respect autonomy whilst acting beneficently. If we accept the second option then we must also accept a substantive account of autonomy. I have argued elsewhere that if we accept a substantive account of autonomy that autonomous decisions must be good decisions, see wooler.scottus . An autonomous decision cannot be a bad decision, it must concur with what is generally accepted to be in the maker’s best interests. However if autonomous decisions must be good decisions then the entire idea of autonomous decision making becomes redundant. We just need to consider good decisions. It follows that if we accept that autonomy is to remain a meaningful concept that we must be prepared to accept a content neutral account. It further follows that if we don’t accept that acting beneficently should be given priority over respecting autonomy that we should prefer the second policy.

However it might be argued that in times like these that acting beneficently is more important than respecting autonomy. Two objections might be raised to the above. Firstly if we prefer the first policy are we really acting beneficently towards older persons? An older person might well believe that leading a social life is in her best interests rather than remaining safe for her last few years. If we disagree we might be accused of epistemic arrogance. Secondly if we give precedence to acting beneficently we are taking acting beneficently to mean ‘caring for’ rather than ‘caring about’. People don’t want to be ‘cared for’ in much the same way as pets are they want to be ‘cared about’ as persons and this means taking their interests into account. It follows if we want to act truly beneficently that we should prefer the second policy.

Inner Virtue and Private Racist Thoughts

 

In this posting I want to consider Nicolas Bommarito’s idea of inner moral virtue. In doing so I want to examine whether our purely private thoughts matter morally. For instance someone might have private evil thoughts but never express or act on them. In order to make the idea of inner moral virtue clear I will combine my examination with considering whether someone’s purely private racist’s thoughts are wrong and if so why. The thoughts I will be considering will be purely private conscious thoughts which the thinker endorses to some degree rather than simply some unconscious bias.it might be thought that the question of private inner thoughts is interesting but of little importance. However is someone who has private evil thoughts evil even if he never expresses or acts on them perhaps because hr fears punishment? If not do we have to accept that we can force people to be good and that morality doesn’t have an inner component.

Let us start our investigation by considering Galen Strawson’s idea of weather watchers (1). Bommarito describes these as follows,

iant stone monoliths, they are living creatures with mental lives much like our own—own—they have thoughts, memories, desires, emotions, sensations, and even fantasies and dreams. These creatures care very deeply about the weather; they are filled with joy when it is sunny out and melancholy when it rains or snows. Because of their physiology, they are completely incapable of any behavioral action……However, none of their rich mental lives are externally observable and, because of the kind of creatures they are, they are unable to perform overt actions of any kind….. They will even lack the associated intentions.” (2)

It might be objected that the idea of weather watchers is of little moral relevance because they are pure fantasy. However there are human beings who share many of the characteristics of weather watchers, those suffering from locked in syndrome. Someone with locked in syndrome may be happy when he has visitors, unhappy when he hasn’t and dream about having visitors when he is alone in the night. Clearly the mental life of someone with locked in syndrome matters to him but does his purely mental life have any moral relevance

Traditionally moral virtue is linked to character and some someone can be said to be virtuous if he has a disposition or attitudes which cause him to act morally most of the time. Clearly a weather watcher cannot be virtuous in this traditional sense because traditionally being virtuous is connected to action. However Bommarito argues that an inability to act does not preclude someone from having inner moral virtue linked to character. What does Bommarito mean by an inner moral virtue or vice? He argues that whilst weather watchers are incapable of virtue in the traditional sense that nonetheless they are capable of some sort of inner virtue or vice. A Weather Watcher who took pleasure in knowing that another of his kind was experiencing pleasure in the warm sun might be said to be expressing inner virtue. However schadenfreude shows such a definition is too simplistic. Someone might takes pleasure in another’s suffering. If someone else takes pleasure in the pleasure of the person enjoying schadenfreude then he cannot be regarded as being virtuous. Bommarito sees virtuous states as mental manifestations of an underlying moral concern. This definition could be seen as one part of the more traditional definition outlined above which sees someone as virtuous provided he has dispositions or attitudes which cause him to act morally most of the time, his dispositions can be seen as mental manifestations of an underlying moral concern. Accepting such a definition makes inner virtue a possibility. If a weather watcher takes pleasure in another watcher’s pleasure in the warm sun then he is being virtuous provided his pleasure is a manifestation of caring, of moral concern for the other. Similarly someone with locked in syndrome is being virtuous if he takes pleasure when his nurse hums happily to herself, his pleasure is a manifestation of concern for her wellbeing. It might be objected that these examples aren’t really manifestations of moral concern because they are concerned with happiness and someone’s happiness isn’t a moral concern. Two responses are possible to this objection. First someone’s happiness is connected to his wellbeing and someone’s wellbeing is a moral concern. Secondly inner virtue might be defined as manifestations of an underlying caring about someone’s wellbeing rather than moral concern. In the rest of this posting I will adopt this amended definition.

What are the consequences of accepting the above definition for our intuitive ideas concerning virtue? Firstly if we accept the idea of inner virtue then someone can be virtuous without acting. Someone with locked in syndrome who is incapable of action can still be virtuous.  However caution is needed here. In the above definition I intentionally replaced Borramito’s ‘concern’ by ‘caring about’. I did so to exclude someone, who is supposedly concerned about another’s wellbeing and is capable of acting to promote this wellbeing but nonetheless fails to do so from being regarded as virtuous. For instance a parent who is always expressing concern for his children’s wellbeing but fails to attend parent’s evenings, sporting and other events which matter to his children without a genuine excuse. Someone cannot be said to care about the wellbeing of others if he takes no steps to promote their wellbeing when he is able to do so. Secondly it might be pointed out that inner virtue, the manifestation of an underlying caring about someone’s wellbeing, is usually manifested by pleasure and that pleasure is involuntary. It then might be argued that accepting the above definition makes it hard to praise the virtuous and blame the vicious. It might then be concluded that inner virtue isn’t a real virtue because acting virtuously is usually regarded as praiseworthy. We can’t be praised or blamed for things which are beyond our control. Two objections can be raised to this argument. Firstly is more conventionally defined virtue always praiseworthy? Consider a child from an affluent home with good loving parents who grows up to be virtuous because of his background and parental encouragement. Is his virtue praiseworthy? Perhaps we should regard virtue as something to be appreciated rather than praised. We might say someone has a better character than someone else even if he isn’t responsible for his better character and doesn’t deserve to be praised for it. Secondly we might question how we acquire our sense of pleasure. A baby just gets pleasure from certain things but do we acquire all our pleasures in the same way? Do we have any input into our acquisition of some pleasures? For instance if we enjoy classical music did we simply come to enjoy it or does our will play some part in its acquisition? Do we have any control over the maintenance of pleasures? For instance if classical music pleases us we can maintain this pleasure by going to concerts. Do we have higher pleasures based our lower pleasures? Being pleased or displeased about what pleases us. If we have some limited control of some of the pleasures we acquire then perhaps inner virtue and vice should attract some praise and blame. Accepting either of the above arguments would mean inner virtue doesn’t differ significantly from our more accepted ideas of virtue when it comes to praise and blame.

  now want to examine the broader consequences of accepting the idea of inner virtue. I will do so by considering inner virtue in conjunction with private racist thoughts. Racism is wrong but do someone’s unexpressed private racist thoughts do any harm and if so why? Clearly someone with locked in syndrome can have racist thoughts. Equally clearly these thoughts cannot be seen as manifestations of an underlying caring about someone’s wellbeing and if we accept that inner virtue is possible then these thoughts cannot be regarded as virtuous. Indeed I argue that such thoughts show a complete disregard for someone’s wellbeing and might be regarded as vicious. I now want to consider two questions. Firstly do the racist thoughts of someone with locked in syndrome do any harm? Secondly do purely private racist thoughts of someone who can act in the world do any harm?

If someone with locked in syndrome has racist thoughts then he harms no one else because he is incapable of action. It might then be argued that because his thoughts don’t harm others that these thoughts really don’t matter. However would we say that the alcoholism of a private alcoholic who drinks alone and doesn’t harms others doesn’t matter? I would suggest we wouldn’t. His alcoholism matters even if no one else becomes aware of it because he harms himself. It might be objected at this point that the analogy I’m trying to make is a false one because the alcoholic harms his physiological health whilst a racist with locked in syndrome doesn’t. In response I now want to argue that even if a racist with locked in syndrome doesn’t harm his physiological health that nonetheless his racist thoughts harm him by damaging his character. How might a private racist thoughts damage character? My argument will be based on two premises. My first premise is that caring about the welfare of others is a necessary condition for having a good character. Someone who is indifferent to the good of others might have some prudential virtues and be said to have a strong character but it cannot be said he has a good character. It might be objected that someone can have a good character and not care about the welfare of others. For instance he might believe in retributory justice and that some people deserve to suffer. In order to accommodate this objection I will amend the above premise slightly. This amended first premise holds that someone cannot be said to have a good character if he fails to care about the undeserved suffering of others. My second premise is that everyone cares about having a good character. It might be objected that my second premise is an extremely over optimistic one. Nonetheless I wish to defend it. It might now be objected that sadism shows my second premise to be unsound because a sadist clearly doesn’t care about having a good character. In response I would suggest even if a sadist happily enjoys inflicting pain on others and accepts his nature that nonetheless he still believes it would be better not to be a sadist. No one aspires to be a sadist. A sadist values having a good character even if he doesn’t value it enough to change his ways. Let us accept my second premise that everyone cares, at least to some degree, about having a good character. It follows that someone with locked in syndrome who has racist thoughts also cares about having a good character at least to some degree. If he has racist thoughts then these thoughts manifest a lack of caring for the underserved suffering of people of other races. It follows that his racist thoughts damages him, even if they don’t damage anyone else, by splitting his character even if this splitting is of no moral concern. Racist thoughts and the caring about character conflict. However even if we don’t accept my second premise I would still argue that someone who doesn’t care about having a good character damages his character. His character is damaged by a lack of aspiration to be a better person.

I now want to consider more practical matters. Does someone who doesn’t have locked in syndrome but has purely private racist thoughts do any real harm. Clearly as I have argued above he damages himself but are these private thoughts of any moral concern provided that he doesn’t harm others? Clearly a smoker damages his health but his smoking shouldn’t be of concern to others if he is an adult and smokes in a field. It might then be argued by analogy that if someone has private racist thoughts that these thoughts shouldn’t be of concern to others. It might then be concluded that someone could still act virtuously even if he has vicious private racist thoughts. What does it mean to act virtuously?  A behaviourist account of virtue might suggest that someone acts virtuously provided he acts in accordance with moral norms. If we accept such an account then someone could act virtuously if his motive was purely to signal virtue or even if his actions were the result of luck. If we aren’t prepared to accept that actions based on virtue signalling or due to luck are truly virtuous ones then we can’t accept a behaviourist account of virtue. Virtue isn’t a shallow concept but has roots. These roots lie in someone’s disposition to act virtuously most of the time. These dispositions are a result of, or form part of someone’s character. It follows that acting virtuously is rooted in character. We have defined inner virtue above as a manifestation of an underlying caring about someone’s wellbeing. Let us accept that what we care about is linked to our character. It follows that acting virtuously and inner virtue are connected by character. I now want to argue that having private racist thoughts harms someone by damaging his ability to act virtuously. Let us assume that someone wants to act virtuously. I have argued above that if someone wants to act virtuously that he must care about other people unless his motive is purely to virtue signal in which case his actions aren’t virtuous. Let us also assume that he has private racist thoughts. These thoughts manifest a lack of concern for someone’s wellbeing. It follows that his character is divided. This division matters because his purely private racist thoughts make it harder for him to act virtuously. Even if someone’s purely private thoughts are never made explicit they leak out into the world by making behaving virtuously harder. This division matters for another reason. A racist might have purely private racist thoughts which he never expresses but these thoughts might leak out into the world by the way he acts, for instance in the way he votes. It follows purely private racist thoughts should be of moral concern. However accepting the above doesn’t make virtuous action completely impossible. For instance someone might care about being slim and enjoy eating junk food. His divided desires makes it harder for him to diet but not impossible.

 What conclusions can be drawn from the above? I have argued that our purely private thoughts matter. They matter because some of them are connected to inner virtue. Inner virtue is connected to acting virtuously because it is linked to character which in turn is determined by the things we care about. If the things we care about form a consistent set then it is easier to act virtuously. However it is harder to act virtuously if the things we care about form an inconsistent set and we are unable to rank our priorities. Acting virtuous isn’t just a matter of luck, it has roots which are connected to inner virtue. If morality has no roots then mimicking morality is the same as acting morally. Lastly if we are capable of acting in the world our inner virtues or vices are of moral concern because they leak out into the world by making it easier or more difficult it to act virtuously.

1. Strawson, Galen. 1994. Mental Reality. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.
2. Bommarito, Nicolas. 2017. Inner Virtue (Oxford Moral Theory) (pp. 13-14). Oxford University Press.

Afterthought, It night be objected to the above that any moral system concerned with character is too complicated and that any practical morality should solely be concerned with actions. Intuitively this objection seems sound but can character and actions be easily separate?